Monday, June 2, 2025

The War of Words: Trump’s Assault on Truth and Belonging

by James B. Greenberg, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Founding Editor of the Journal of Political Ecology, and past president of the Political Ecology Society - https://substack.com/@jamesbgreenberg

[As noted on the preceding post, I find Greenberg's anthropological analyses insightful and instructive (especially the two I have reproduced here on this blogpost). Whether or not you fully agree, I commend his posts to you for sharpening your own analyses. - jnj]

The War of Words: Trump’s Assault on Truth and Belonging

In authoritarian movements, speech is not just communication—it’s strategy. Trump’s language doesn’t just reflect division; it creates it, framing enemies, rewriting truth, and purging the boundaries.


We’ve often been told to ignore what Trump says and watch what he does. It’s a familiar bit of advice—practical, even cynical—but dangerously incomplete. Because with Trump, language is not just talk. It’s a form of action. His words don’t simply reflect his thinking; they shape political reality. They frame enemies, test boundaries, and preempt resistance.

In any authoritarian movement, language plays a central role. It doesn’t merely accompany violence—it prepares the ground for it. It legitimizes, incites, and conceals. Words are not secondary to power. They are part of how power works.

Trump’s language—his limited vocabulary, his framing devices, his repeated use of slurs—is more than performance. It is political strategy. A means of defining who belongs, who threatens, and who must be removed. It marks out targets, inflames loyalty, and lowers the threshold for repression.

As an anthropologist, I’ve studied how language defines social boundaries—who is considered inside the moral community and who is placed outside of it. Trump’s rhetoric functions that way. He doesn’t engage in debate; he assigns labels. Once labeled, people and institutions become easier to dismiss, discredit, or attack. What begins as language becomes the rationale for action—firing civil servants, banning books, rewriting curricula, deporting migrants, criminalizing dissent.

Trump speaks not to explain but to polarize. He positions disagreement as betrayal. He reframes dissent as a threat.

From the outset, he has used a narrow set of inflammatory terms to stigmatize perceived enemies. Immigrants were called “rapists,” “criminals,” and “invaders.” Journalists became “enemies of the people.” Judges were labeled “corrupt.” Universities that teach critical thinking are cast as “anti-American.” Over time, these labels have expanded to include Democrats, liberals, and even Republicans unwilling to show personal loyalty.

Words like socialistradicalglobalist, and fascist have lost specific meaning. They are now used interchangeably as political weapons. What starts as accusation becomes category. Once someone is placed in that category, punishment becomes not just permissible, but expected.

None of this is spontaneous. Trump recycles a core set of terms—disloyalun-Americanriggedcorrupttreasonous—and applies them not just to individuals, but entire institutions. In anthropological terms, this is a form of moral boundary work. The goal is to separate “the people” from their supposed enemies and reduce politics to loyalty tests.

Language like this works slowly but decisively. Slurs become slogans. Slogans become categories. Categories become policy. And policies become acts of exclusion and repression—loyalty oaths, purges, surveillance, mass deportation.

In authoritarian systems, the groundwork is often linguistic. Words come first. They establish who can be harmed and why. They simplify complex realities into threats. They shift the burden of proof from accuser to accused. They make violence thinkable.

Trump’s pattern is consistent: stigmatize, isolate, then punish. First it was immigrants. Then Muslims. Then journalists. Judges. Professors. Now it’s universities, political opponents, and even Republican officials who refuse to fall in line. What we’re seeing is not just a politics of insult—it’s the language architecture of a purge.

Trump understands the power of framing. If critics are redefined as traitors, silencing them appears patriotic. If dissent is recast as subversion, repression becomes self-defense. If the meanings of freedomloyalty, and truth are bent far enough, democratic norms collapse from within while retaining their names.

This is scapegoating with structure. It displaces responsibility onto vulnerable groups while reinforcing the authority of those in power. But Trump goes further—he institutionalizes it. His rallies function not just as political events, but as spectacles of blame and reaffirmation. Public enemies are named. Loyalty is measured. And symbolic violence is rehearsed.

The deeper threat is not just Trump’s language, but the erosion of the norms that once held it in check. Democracy depends on more than laws—it depends on shared understandings of fairness, truth, and restraint. When those are undermined, language becomes a means of domination, not communication.

This is not a debate over policy. It’s an attack on the foundations of democratic culture—on complexity, critical thought, and pluralism. The institutions that protect these values—universities, courts, the press—are being systematically undermined by repetition and stigma.

Trump’s words are not random. They’re calibrated. They measure public tolerance, identify targets, and shape what comes next. And what comes next—if unchecked—won’t be metaphor. It will be lived experience. In law. In policy. In the daily lives of those marked as enemies.

Repetition is not a flaw in this system—it’s a feature. The constant stream of accusation wears down resistance. It encourages passivity. It replaces dialogue with reflex.

This is why we cannot treat Trump’s rhetoric as background noise. It is a signal. A scaffolding for political transformation. It is already changing how millions of Americans think about who belongs and who does not—about what democracy is, and what it is for.

Authoritarian turns rarely begin with laws. They begin with language. When certain people become unspeakable, it becomes easier to make them disappear.

Trump has told us what he plans to do. He is telling us still. We just need to take him seriously—and listen carefully.

Selected Readings

Cohen, Stanley. States of Denial: Knowing about Atrocities and Suffering. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001.

Klemperer, Victor. The Language of the Third Reich: LTI – Lingua Tertii Imperii. London: Athol Books, 2002.

Lakoff, George. Don’t Think of an Elephant!: Know Your Values and Frame the Debate. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing, 2004.

Mbembe, Achille. Necropolitics. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019.

Stanley, Jason. How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them. New York: Random House, 2018.

Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1995.

Wodak, Ruth. The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. London: SAGE, 2015.

Sunday, June 1, 2025

The Republic Myth: How a Weaponized Lie Is Undermining Democracy

by James B. Greenberg, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Founding Editor of the Journal of Political Ecology, and past president of the Political Ecology Society - https://substack.com/@jamesbgreenberg

[I find Greenberg's analysis insightful and instructive regarding an all too common reply--that often comes across as condescending and dismissive--by Trump loyalists to alarms being raised about the current, steady erosion of US democracy taking place. - jnj]

The Republic Myth: How a Weaponized Lie Is Undermining Democracy

The old lie that America isn’t a democracy is back—and it’s doing real damage.


My training as an anthropologist taught me to pay attention to the details most people overlook. So when Trump supporters insist that America is a republic, not a democracy—as if that settles the matter—I don’t hear a civics lesson. I hear a myth. A myth with history, purpose, and consequences. And like most myths, it survives not because it’s true, but because it’s useful.

This isn’t a debate over definitions. It’s a deliberate reframing. Strip the word “democracy” of its legitimacy, and you clear the path to replace it with something else. In this framing, democracy becomes mob rule. Disorder. Threat. And the solution? A strong hand, a singular will, a man who promises to save “the Republic” by dismantling the very thing that makes it one.

Anthropologists study how language shapes power. What’s said, what’s implied, what’s repeated. Discourse prepares the ground for action. It isn’t just commentary—it’s pretext. When right-wing media call democracy dangerous and cast Trump as the savior of the Republic, they’re not just telling a story. They’re normalizing the idea that democracy itself is the problem—and authoritarianism the cure.

But the historical record says otherwise. The Founders didn’t fear democracy because they equated it with chaos. They feared unchecked power—by kings, mobs, or capital. What they built was a representative system rooted in popular sovereignty. Rights were not designed to limit the people, but to protect them from domination. As Madison put it in Federalist No. 57, the aim of government is to elevate leaders who possess “the most wisdom to discern, and most virtue to pursue, the common good of the society.” Democracy wasn’t the threat. It was the answer to tyranny.

The U.S. is a constitutional republic built on democratic institutions—elections, representation, and the rule of law accountable to the people. The distinction isn’t between democracy and a republic, but between systems that serve the many and those that entrench the power of the few.

Still, the myth endures—revived whenever democracy expands. During Reconstruction. The New Deal. Civil Rights. And now, in the face of a multiracial, pluralistic electorate no longer willing to bow to inherited power.

The idea that the Founders rejected democracy is now pushed by those who see popular rule as a threat to their influence. It’s echoed by right-wing pundits, amplified by Murdoch-owned media, and laundered through think tanks dressed up as defenders of the Constitution. It’s embraced by Christian nationalists who fear demographic change, by oligarchs who resent regulation, and by cynics who mistake complexity for collapse.

Fox News has become a central hub for this narrative. From op-eds warning against “mob rule” to primetime rants about America losing its way, the message is consistent: democracy is fragile, and control is strength. Tucker Carlson may be gone, but the line lives on—in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Post, and The Times of London. What they promote is not republican virtue. It’s a license for minority rule.

And the resonance isn’t limited to American ears. Russian state media regularly cite these same voices to argue that democracy is a failed experiment. Chinese and Iranian disinformation networks echo the sentiment, flooding social media with AI-generated content and fabricated posts that paint American democracy as chaotic and corrupt. The myth serves them too: the more discredited democracy looks, the stronger their systems appear by comparison.

This isn’t a Cold War redux. It’s something more insidious. Domestic and foreign authoritarians are converging around a shared strategy—undermine trust, destabilize truth, and sell control as stability. When they say “we’re a republic, not a democracy,” what they mean is: let the few decide, and call it order.

This myth isn’t just bad history. It’s a weapon. It was wielded in the 1930s by American fascists who echoed Hitler’s contempt for democratic governance. They called democracy a Jewish plot. They warned of chaos. And they offered a strongman as salvation. These weren’t fringe figures. The German American Bund filled Madison Square Garden. The Silver Shirts recruited in churches. And the Dies Committee—the forerunner to HUAC—documented how deeply their rhetoric had seeped into American life.

The rhetoric then isn’t much different than now. Same myth. New platforms.

So when someone parrots the line, ask what they’re defending—and who they’re trying to silence. The issue isn’t whether we’re a republic or a democracy. We are, by design, both. The real question is whether the republic still belongs to its people—or only to those who fear them

Suggested Readings

Ben-Ghiat, Ruth. Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present. New York: W.W. Norton, 2020.

Grandin, Greg. The End of the Myth: From the Frontier to the Border Wall in the Mind of America. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2019.

MacLean, Nancy. Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America. New York: Viking, 2017.

Maddow, Rachel. Prequel: An American Fight Against Fascism. New York: Crown, 2023.

Madison, James. The Federalist No. 57. In The Federalist Papers, edited by Clinton Rossiter, 351–355. New York: Signet Classics, 2003.

Stanley, Jason. How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them. New York: Random House, 2018.

Zakaria, Fareed. The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad. New York: W.W. Norton, 2003.

Monday, March 17, 2025

Christ's Kingdom and autocracy

The nascent but real US-Trump autocracy–self-promoting, self-serving, deceitful, violent, and heartless as it is–presents the worldwide Christian movement with new opportunities and challenges. One is to realize afresh that Christ’s international kingdom is not dependent on, and certainly not equivalent to, any kingdom of this world. The Apostle Paul’s declaration in Romans 8 rings true for Jesus’s followers in all contexts across the generations and around the world:

35 Who shall separate us from the love of Christ? Shall tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or danger, or sword? 36 As it is written,

“For your sake we are being killed all the day long;

    we are regarded as sheep to be slaughtered.”

37 No, in all these things we are more than conquerors through him who loved us. 38 For I am sure that neither death nor life, nor angels nor rulers, nor things present nor things to come, nor powers, 39 nor height nor depth, nor anything else in all creation, will be able to separate us from the love of God in Christ Jesus our Lord.

Sudden and devastating USAID cuts neither cut off heretofore beneficiaries around the world from God’s love nor hinder Christ’s kingdom from pressing forward in service. That part of Christ’s kingdom in the US–be they among immigrants/refugees who are under new threats of deportation or citizens who grieve the autocratic power that President Trump has been granted by his enablers (and that he continues systematically to seize and exercise)–has the new opportunity to trust ultimately not in some idealized “America” but in God’s prevailing mercy and love. That majority part of Christ’s kingdom outside the US–including those in countries either threatened to be annexed by the US or suddenly stiff-armed by a heretofore reliable friend–has the new opportunity to realize that the USA, with its brazen claims of “greatness,” is not Christ’s kingdom per se but one among many self-serving nation-states under God’s rule, and one that bears particular responsibility for the vast economic and military power that it wields.

Another opportunity and challenge is to live out MIcah 6:8: “to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God.“ For its part, the US-Trump autocracy conveys distortions, power, wealth, disregard for the environment, and vengeance on its opponents (and on its dissenters and increasingly even those who raise questions). It labels political opponents as “Marxist” or “pathetic.” It bars select news media from covering the President’s briefings, or cuts off federal funding from media and universities, labeling most all of them as “leftist,” “rogue,” or “anti-Trump.” POTUS openly exhibits a conflict of interest by conducting a sales event for Tesla with Elon Musk on the White House lawn. Without due process, the autocracy targets, arrests, and threatens to deport select green card holders. Christ’s followers have fresh opportunities to stand for justice, to show kindness, and exhibit humility indiscriminately–toward strangers, government officials, political opponents, those in need of food-shelter-health care, and others.

Living at odds with certain prevailing values is inherently part of belonging to Christ’s kingdom in this still fallen world. For that part of Christ’s kingdom in the US, living under a self-promoting, self-serving, deceitful, violent, and heartless autocracy presents new challenges and opportunities. Faith, hope, and love remain. God is good, all the time. Kyrie eleison.

Sunday, March 2, 2025

More International Input

This time an opinion piece in the Financial Times in the UK (published on Feb 25--three days before the now infamous Zelensky-Trump (and Vance) White House meeting):

https://on.ft.com/4bvPYjG - "The US is now the enemy of the west: Washington has decided to abandon both Ukraine and its postwar role in the world," by 

Saturday, March 1, 2025

From "Bruce Barron's Provocative Thoughts" Newsletter (March 1): "The Risks of Appeasing Trump"

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How should political and Christian leaders respond as a US president unhinges the world order?


“I lift my eyes to the hills—where does my help come from? My help comes from the Lord, the Maker of heaven and earth.” —Psalm 121:1–2

Should Volodymyr Zelensky, desperate for military support after three years of Ukraine’s heroic resistance against Russian aggression, grovel and beg for mercy from Donald Trump?

I hope he does not.

I have watched video of Trump vs. Zelensky and have studied the transcript. I find nothing in Zelensky’s words or behavior that could conceivably justify Trump and Vance’s tag-team berating. Accordingly, I believe that the attack was premeditated. Vance’s bizarre use of the word “litigated” in responding to Zelensky’s reasonable expression of concern about Vladimir Putin’s reliability suggests that he was ready to pounce if Zelensky displayed even a moment of anything other than abject submission.

Equally shameful were the Republicans, including secretary of state Marco Rubio—former Trump critic and now dutiful Trump sycophant—who thanked Trump for “standing up for America.” I cannot grasp what Trump and Vance stood up for, unless it was the right to Ukrainian minerals or to require non-superpowers to say “thank you” for US aid every few minutes.

There is ample evidence that Trump values money, power, and being the center of world attention and very little evidence that he values public service. Note his comment at the end of yesterday’s ugly episode: “This will make great television.”

Trump seems to have brought his transactional mindset into the White House, as if the goal of running a country is to amass money and power.

I grant that in our world order of nation-states, each country’s government should represent its own interests. Moreover, mature Christian friends in the US cite their experience of corruption and inefficiency in foreign aid, along with government spending, immigration, religious freedom, and progressive ideology, as reasons why they still prefer Trump to Democratic Party leadership.

So if you’re a US reader who still wants Trump to succeed, I understand. Today, I am addressing the rest of the world.

Zelensky and others have cited British prime minister Neville Chamberlain’s 1938 attempt to appease Hitler in urging the world not to give in to Putin. But yesterday’s clash revealed a different risk: that the world will give in to Trump.

Trump has demonstrated a readiness to bully his friends in Canada and Europe. He doesn’t bully his enemies—Russia, China, North Korea—because he has no leverage over them.

Last night, I watched the US Public Broadcasting Service’s news program. I figured I should watch it while I still can. (Amazingly, Trump has not yet cut off federal money for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting—which funds PBS—as conservatives have urged for years. I’m sure it’s coming soon.) Commentator David Brooks said, “What I’ve seen over the last six weeks is the United States behaving vilely to our friends. … Today was the bottom of the barrel. … Donald Trump believes in one thing. He believes that might makes right. And in that, he agrees with Vladimir Putin.”

World leaders, including Christians, must learn one lesson quickly. The US Constitution is famous for its carefully constructed set of checks and balances, grounded in Presbyterian James Madison’s understanding of sin. The Trump administration is seeking to override that system and concentrate unprecedented power in the president.

In response, the remainder of the free world must detach itself from its economic and military reliance on the United States. Otherwise, it is at the mercy of an erratic US president’s decisions.

Similarly, Christian leaders and organizations must learn to live without US aid. Even in better times, it can become a modern form of colonialism, with strings attached to the promotion of US interests. Especially if Western donors increase their private support, there is enough wealth in the world to restore Christians’ former status as the most prominent source of global generosity and thereby advance the gospel.

To facilitate this shift, Majority World Christians must be exemplary in their commitment to financial integrity and accountability, inspiring confidence that the funds they receive will be used well.

Together, we can embrace this dramatic turning point in world history and exhibit that our help comes from the Lord, not from the United States or any other unpredictable source.

Saturday, February 22, 2025

Some International Input

I found the following two recent analyses of current US political developments instructive--one a brief interview on YouTube, and one a historical description of the election(s) of DJT as POTUS. I believe each analysis is descriptive more than evaluative--although each suggests that how matters have changed will have lasting implications requiring fundamental adjustments.

"Former M16 boss on Trump, Putin and. 'new era' for international relations" - https://youtu.be/FocQITpJnaQ?si=tFFeHKrCxdpIsmVv

"The election shows that Trumpism is here to stay | Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank" - 

https://www.chathamhouse.org/2024/11/election-shows-trumpism-here-stay

Particularly for my international friends, I will add that US society is diverse in many ways, including poltically. While the current POTUS administration has widespread support, not everyone agrees--indeed, many vehemently disagree and are resisting in all peaceful ways at their disposal.

I will also add--as a member of Jesus Christ's international following and as a US citizen--I find many of the maneuvers of the POTUS administration abhorrent and immoral. While I resonate with certain aspects of certain themes as they are put forth (e.g., regarding gender/sexuality, government waste), the sea change in international relations (to strongmen-run real estate/economic transactions) and backtracking on race-related relations (e.g., evident in the firing of Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. CQ Brown) are wrong and dangerous.

Thankfully, God rules over all, and the US is but one nation that is only a drop in a bucket before the Lord Almighty.

Kyrie eleison.

Wednesday, February 19, 2025

Narcissist-Gaslighter Combo

Whatever one thinks of the current US President's policies, I am one of many who, for several years now, sees DJT as a narcissist-gaslighter (in combination and in the extreme). Having dealt with narcissist-gaslighter types before, I have learned the hard way that I have needed instruction and help to sift through the constant truth-twisting and manipulation that such people spew out. One simple and clear article is here: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/communication-success/201707/6-common-traits-of-narcissists-and-gaslighters

Coping is not easy. One technique is to ignore, like a "black rock." However, when there are widespread implications--e.g., regarding Ukraine or numerous aid projects worldwide--simply ignoring in silence becomes difficult without at least saying something to assist others who may not have had the awful, disconcerting experience of dealing with someone like this.

If you choose to post a critical or disagreeing comment, I request that you not simply refocus your attack or assign blame elsewhere, e.g., to the media. For anyone--again, this is coming from one among many who has painfully learned how destructive narcissists-gaslighters can be--I am once again offering this warning about how DJT operates.

Kyrie eleison.

Thursday, February 6, 2025

Some Casualties of USAID Cuts

 - A newly married young Kenyan in Kibera (densest and second largest slum in the world), one of the most upright people I know and who never asks me for financial assistance, just lost his income due to USAID cuts. With his wife now expecting, they are in dire straits.

- A Christian community in Costa Rica (instigated by good friends James and Ruth Padilla-Deborst) has had to close its doors to many people-at-risk they serve due to the loss of USAID funding.

- https://worldrelief.org/

- etc.

I'm all for purging unnecessary and bloated government programs. I agree with cutting back on some of the USAID activities publicized of late. However, reducing USAID objectives, and hence all activities, from "extend assistance to countries recovering from disaster, trying to escape poverty, and engaging in democratic reforms" (https://www.usa.gov/agencies/u-s-agency-for-international-development) to--first and foremost--be "in alignment with an America First agenda" (https://www.state.gov/secretary-marco-rubio-appointed-as-acting-administrator-for-the-united-states-agency-for-international-development-usaid/) is, well, "America First."

There has to be a more humane way of enabling USAID to fulfill its mandated objectives.

Thursday, January 23, 2025

Navigating Life in "America"

The historical development of “America”: a man’s name > a “discovered” continent > a differentiating location > an imperial shorthand > an expression of devotion > a galvanizing ideal.*

A basic navigating framework I find useful for any setting is that of “Inter-Christianity“ (see August 2017 blogpost). That is, fundamental identity markers for people who are “in Christ” include international, interconfessional, interdisciplinary, intergenerational, and interdependent; markers inherent to those categories include inter-ethnic and inter-class. Living with an “inter-Christian” identity overrides other claims to loyalty and self-identity.


“National” identity seeks to stake a basic claim of loyalty in citizens’ hearts. For those of us who are U.S. citizens, we are regularly admonished to fulfill our various “sacred” duties and to treasure “sacred” rights. After all, the admonitions claim, the “United States of America” is the greatest nation in the history of the world and should thus have the “most lethal fighting force” in the world. Questioning, and certainly opposing, such claims might be theoretically and legally permitted but can be socially, politically, and emotionally cast as blasphemous.


I grew up in the US during the Cold War. I have lived substantial portions of my adult life in various other parts of the world, as well as in various locations within the US. Along with giving shape to living with the above-sketched “inter-Christian” identity, these life experiences have helped to reshape much of what I grew up assuming about “America” and its place in the world.


* Elaborating Sources:


Continental Congress (1777). “Articles of Confederation.” National Archives. https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/articles-of-confederation 

Federal Convention (1787). “The Constitution of the United States.” National Archives. https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution 

Immerwahr, D. (2019). “When Did the US Start Calling Itself “America,” Anyway?” MotherJones. https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2019/07/when-did-the-united-states-start-calling-itself-america-anyway/ 

Library of Congress (n.d.). “Recognizing and Naming America: Waldseemüller’s 1507 Map.” https://www.loc.gov/collections/discovery-and-exploration/articles-and-essays/recognizing-and-naming-america/ 

Lincoln, A. (1863). “A Proclamation.” National Archives. https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/featured-documents/emancipation-proclamation/transcript.html 

Moran, G. (2018). America in the United States and the United States in America. Bloomington, IN: iUniverse.

Representatives of the united States of America (1776). “Declaration of Independence.”  National Archives. https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/declaration-of-independence