Monday, June 2, 2025

The War of Words: Trump’s Assault on Truth and Belonging

by James B. Greenberg, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Founding Editor of the Journal of Political Ecology, and past president of the Political Ecology Society - https://substack.com/@jamesbgreenberg

[As noted on the preceding post, I find Greenberg's anthropological analyses insightful and instructive (especially the two I have reproduced here on this blogpost). Whether or not you fully agree, I commend his posts to you for sharpening your own analyses. - jnj]

The War of Words: Trump’s Assault on Truth and Belonging

In authoritarian movements, speech is not just communication—it’s strategy. Trump’s language doesn’t just reflect division; it creates it, framing enemies, rewriting truth, and purging the boundaries.


We’ve often been told to ignore what Trump says and watch what he does. It’s a familiar bit of advice—practical, even cynical—but dangerously incomplete. Because with Trump, language is not just talk. It’s a form of action. His words don’t simply reflect his thinking; they shape political reality. They frame enemies, test boundaries, and preempt resistance.

In any authoritarian movement, language plays a central role. It doesn’t merely accompany violence—it prepares the ground for it. It legitimizes, incites, and conceals. Words are not secondary to power. They are part of how power works.

Trump’s language—his limited vocabulary, his framing devices, his repeated use of slurs—is more than performance. It is political strategy. A means of defining who belongs, who threatens, and who must be removed. It marks out targets, inflames loyalty, and lowers the threshold for repression.

As an anthropologist, I’ve studied how language defines social boundaries—who is considered inside the moral community and who is placed outside of it. Trump’s rhetoric functions that way. He doesn’t engage in debate; he assigns labels. Once labeled, people and institutions become easier to dismiss, discredit, or attack. What begins as language becomes the rationale for action—firing civil servants, banning books, rewriting curricula, deporting migrants, criminalizing dissent.

Trump speaks not to explain but to polarize. He positions disagreement as betrayal. He reframes dissent as a threat.

From the outset, he has used a narrow set of inflammatory terms to stigmatize perceived enemies. Immigrants were called “rapists,” “criminals,” and “invaders.” Journalists became “enemies of the people.” Judges were labeled “corrupt.” Universities that teach critical thinking are cast as “anti-American.” Over time, these labels have expanded to include Democrats, liberals, and even Republicans unwilling to show personal loyalty.

Words like socialistradicalglobalist, and fascist have lost specific meaning. They are now used interchangeably as political weapons. What starts as accusation becomes category. Once someone is placed in that category, punishment becomes not just permissible, but expected.

None of this is spontaneous. Trump recycles a core set of terms—disloyalun-Americanriggedcorrupttreasonous—and applies them not just to individuals, but entire institutions. In anthropological terms, this is a form of moral boundary work. The goal is to separate “the people” from their supposed enemies and reduce politics to loyalty tests.

Language like this works slowly but decisively. Slurs become slogans. Slogans become categories. Categories become policy. And policies become acts of exclusion and repression—loyalty oaths, purges, surveillance, mass deportation.

In authoritarian systems, the groundwork is often linguistic. Words come first. They establish who can be harmed and why. They simplify complex realities into threats. They shift the burden of proof from accuser to accused. They make violence thinkable.

Trump’s pattern is consistent: stigmatize, isolate, then punish. First it was immigrants. Then Muslims. Then journalists. Judges. Professors. Now it’s universities, political opponents, and even Republican officials who refuse to fall in line. What we’re seeing is not just a politics of insult—it’s the language architecture of a purge.

Trump understands the power of framing. If critics are redefined as traitors, silencing them appears patriotic. If dissent is recast as subversion, repression becomes self-defense. If the meanings of freedomloyalty, and truth are bent far enough, democratic norms collapse from within while retaining their names.

This is scapegoating with structure. It displaces responsibility onto vulnerable groups while reinforcing the authority of those in power. But Trump goes further—he institutionalizes it. His rallies function not just as political events, but as spectacles of blame and reaffirmation. Public enemies are named. Loyalty is measured. And symbolic violence is rehearsed.

The deeper threat is not just Trump’s language, but the erosion of the norms that once held it in check. Democracy depends on more than laws—it depends on shared understandings of fairness, truth, and restraint. When those are undermined, language becomes a means of domination, not communication.

This is not a debate over policy. It’s an attack on the foundations of democratic culture—on complexity, critical thought, and pluralism. The institutions that protect these values—universities, courts, the press—are being systematically undermined by repetition and stigma.

Trump’s words are not random. They’re calibrated. They measure public tolerance, identify targets, and shape what comes next. And what comes next—if unchecked—won’t be metaphor. It will be lived experience. In law. In policy. In the daily lives of those marked as enemies.

Repetition is not a flaw in this system—it’s a feature. The constant stream of accusation wears down resistance. It encourages passivity. It replaces dialogue with reflex.

This is why we cannot treat Trump’s rhetoric as background noise. It is a signal. A scaffolding for political transformation. It is already changing how millions of Americans think about who belongs and who does not—about what democracy is, and what it is for.

Authoritarian turns rarely begin with laws. They begin with language. When certain people become unspeakable, it becomes easier to make them disappear.

Trump has told us what he plans to do. He is telling us still. We just need to take him seriously—and listen carefully.

Selected Readings

Cohen, Stanley. States of Denial: Knowing about Atrocities and Suffering. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2001.

Klemperer, Victor. The Language of the Third Reich: LTI – Lingua Tertii Imperii. London: Athol Books, 2002.

Lakoff, George. Don’t Think of an Elephant!: Know Your Values and Frame the Debate. White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing, 2004.

Mbembe, Achille. Necropolitics. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019.

Stanley, Jason. How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them. New York: Random House, 2018.

Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History. Boston: Beacon Press, 1995.

Wodak, Ruth. The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. London: SAGE, 2015.

Sunday, June 1, 2025

The Republic Myth: How a Weaponized Lie Is Undermining Democracy

by James B. Greenberg, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Founding Editor of the Journal of Political Ecology, and past president of the Political Ecology Society - https://substack.com/@jamesbgreenberg

[I find Greenberg's analysis insightful and instructive regarding an all too common reply--that often comes across as condescending and dismissive--by Trump loyalists to alarms being raised about the current, steady erosion of US democracy taking place. - jnj]

The Republic Myth: How a Weaponized Lie Is Undermining Democracy

The old lie that America isn’t a democracy is back—and it’s doing real damage.


My training as an anthropologist taught me to pay attention to the details most people overlook. So when Trump supporters insist that America is a republic, not a democracy—as if that settles the matter—I don’t hear a civics lesson. I hear a myth. A myth with history, purpose, and consequences. And like most myths, it survives not because it’s true, but because it’s useful.

This isn’t a debate over definitions. It’s a deliberate reframing. Strip the word “democracy” of its legitimacy, and you clear the path to replace it with something else. In this framing, democracy becomes mob rule. Disorder. Threat. And the solution? A strong hand, a singular will, a man who promises to save “the Republic” by dismantling the very thing that makes it one.

Anthropologists study how language shapes power. What’s said, what’s implied, what’s repeated. Discourse prepares the ground for action. It isn’t just commentary—it’s pretext. When right-wing media call democracy dangerous and cast Trump as the savior of the Republic, they’re not just telling a story. They’re normalizing the idea that democracy itself is the problem—and authoritarianism the cure.

But the historical record says otherwise. The Founders didn’t fear democracy because they equated it with chaos. They feared unchecked power—by kings, mobs, or capital. What they built was a representative system rooted in popular sovereignty. Rights were not designed to limit the people, but to protect them from domination. As Madison put it in Federalist No. 57, the aim of government is to elevate leaders who possess “the most wisdom to discern, and most virtue to pursue, the common good of the society.” Democracy wasn’t the threat. It was the answer to tyranny.

The U.S. is a constitutional republic built on democratic institutions—elections, representation, and the rule of law accountable to the people. The distinction isn’t between democracy and a republic, but between systems that serve the many and those that entrench the power of the few.

Still, the myth endures—revived whenever democracy expands. During Reconstruction. The New Deal. Civil Rights. And now, in the face of a multiracial, pluralistic electorate no longer willing to bow to inherited power.

The idea that the Founders rejected democracy is now pushed by those who see popular rule as a threat to their influence. It’s echoed by right-wing pundits, amplified by Murdoch-owned media, and laundered through think tanks dressed up as defenders of the Constitution. It’s embraced by Christian nationalists who fear demographic change, by oligarchs who resent regulation, and by cynics who mistake complexity for collapse.

Fox News has become a central hub for this narrative. From op-eds warning against “mob rule” to primetime rants about America losing its way, the message is consistent: democracy is fragile, and control is strength. Tucker Carlson may be gone, but the line lives on—in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Post, and The Times of London. What they promote is not republican virtue. It’s a license for minority rule.

And the resonance isn’t limited to American ears. Russian state media regularly cite these same voices to argue that democracy is a failed experiment. Chinese and Iranian disinformation networks echo the sentiment, flooding social media with AI-generated content and fabricated posts that paint American democracy as chaotic and corrupt. The myth serves them too: the more discredited democracy looks, the stronger their systems appear by comparison.

This isn’t a Cold War redux. It’s something more insidious. Domestic and foreign authoritarians are converging around a shared strategy—undermine trust, destabilize truth, and sell control as stability. When they say “we’re a republic, not a democracy,” what they mean is: let the few decide, and call it order.

This myth isn’t just bad history. It’s a weapon. It was wielded in the 1930s by American fascists who echoed Hitler’s contempt for democratic governance. They called democracy a Jewish plot. They warned of chaos. And they offered a strongman as salvation. These weren’t fringe figures. The German American Bund filled Madison Square Garden. The Silver Shirts recruited in churches. And the Dies Committee—the forerunner to HUAC—documented how deeply their rhetoric had seeped into American life.

The rhetoric then isn’t much different than now. Same myth. New platforms.

So when someone parrots the line, ask what they’re defending—and who they’re trying to silence. The issue isn’t whether we’re a republic or a democracy. We are, by design, both. The real question is whether the republic still belongs to its people—or only to those who fear them

Suggested Readings

Ben-Ghiat, Ruth. Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present. New York: W.W. Norton, 2020.

Grandin, Greg. The End of the Myth: From the Frontier to the Border Wall in the Mind of America. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2019.

MacLean, Nancy. Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America. New York: Viking, 2017.

Maddow, Rachel. Prequel: An American Fight Against Fascism. New York: Crown, 2023.

Madison, James. The Federalist No. 57. In The Federalist Papers, edited by Clinton Rossiter, 351–355. New York: Signet Classics, 2003.

Stanley, Jason. How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them. New York: Random House, 2018.

Zakaria, Fareed. The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad. New York: W.W. Norton, 2003.